Mark
Mazower’s “Hitler’s
Empire: How the Nazis ruled Europe” is a magisterial book.
I read it on
vacation, and it is not a book I would suggest you take with you to the beach. Unless
you want to spoil your vacation. But once you have made such a choice, you
cannot stop reading it and the book will stay with you throughout your stay (and
I believe much longer).
This Summer
I read, almost back-to-back Adam Tooze’s “The deluge” and Mazower’s book. The first
covers the period 1916-31, the second, the Nazi rule of Europe 1936-45. They
can be practically read as a continuum, but they are two very different books. Tooze’s
is, despite all the carnage of World War I and Russian Civil War, an optimistic
book in which sincere or feigned idealism is battling conservatism and militarism.
As
I wrote in my review of Tooze’s book, the emphasis on the failed promise of
liberal democracy (but a promise still it was) is a thread that runs through most
of the book. Mazower’s book, on the other hand, is unfailingly grim and this is
not only because the topic he writes about is much more sinister. The tone is bleaker.
It is a book about the unremitting evil. It is the steady accumulation of
murders, betrayals, massacres, retaliations, burned villages, conquests, and annihilation
that makes for a despairing and yet compelling read. Europe was indeed, as
another of Mazower’s book is titled, the dark continent.
Here I would
like to discuss another aspect of Mazower’s book that is implicit throughout
but is mentioned rather discreetly only in the concluding chapter. It concerns
the place of the Second World War in global history. The conventional opinion is
that the Second War should be regarded as a continuation of the First. While
the First was produced by competing imperialisms, the Second was the outcome of
the very imperfect settlement imposed at the end of the War, and the difference
in interpretations as to how the War really ended (was it an armistice, or was
it an unconditional surrender).
But that interpretation
is (perhaps) faulty because it cannot account for the most distinctive
character of the World War II, namely that it was the war of extermination in
the East (including the Shoah). That is where Mazower’s placing of the War in a much
longer European imperial context makes sense.
The key
features of Nazi policies of “racial” superiority, colonization of land and
conscious destruction of ethnic groups cannot be understood but as an extreme,
or even extravagant, form of European colonialism, as it existed from the 15th
century onward. If one thinks of the Soviet Russia as of Africa or indigenous American
continent (as it seemed to the Nazis), then Nazi policy of mass extermination
and (more liberally) enslavement of the Slavic population that would provide
forced labor for the German aristocracy living in agro-towns dotted across the plains
of Russia does not look much different from what happened for several centuries
in the mines of Potasi, in the Congo, in the ante-bellum South of the United
States, in the Dutch Java or indeed in German-ruled Namibia.
The creation
of two ethically and racially distinct social classes, with no interaction and with
one openly exploiting another is exactly how European colonialism presented
itself to the rest of the world. As Aimė Cėsaire, quoted
at the end of the book, wrote (I paraphrase) “Nazism was the application of
colonialism to Europe”.
There were,
however, some differences that made the realization of this dream of conquest
and domination unrealizable for the Nazis.
The
technological and military gap between the “master” class and the Untermenschen was much smaller, and at
the end it got even overturned in the military sphere. By 1942, the Soviet Union
was producing more airplanes and tanks than Germany with all her factories in
conquered Europe. The technological gap was indeed much smaller than it seemed
to the Germans, and than it objectively was between the European conquerors and
the peoples of Africa or the Americas. Tiny forces of Spaniards or English could
conquer huge spaces and rule many people because of enormous superiority of
their military power. But this was not the case in Europe. In other words, when
the technological (military) gap between two groups is small, a complete annihilation
of one by another is impossible.
The Nazis
were blinded to this, not only by their misjudgment about the technological development
of Russia, but also by their belief in rigid racial hierarchy where the very fact
that such hierarchy existed (as they believed) made it impossible to entertain
the possibility that the lower classes might rise sufficiently to challenge the
“masters”. The rigidity of self-created racial hierarchy blinded them to reality.
The second
difference between the Nazis and classical European imperialism was that racial
hierarchy, pushed to its extreme, and leading to the attempted annihilation of
the entire ethnic groups (Holocaust) was not motivated by economic interests of
the elite but took place, as it were, outside it. Mazower makes very clear the tension
that existed throughout the Nazi rule between economic needs for more forced labor,
both in European factories and in the fields in the conquered territories in
Poland, the Ukraine and Belorussia, and the ideologically-motivated drive to
exterminate the “inferior races”. The military and civilian administrations
tended to prefer the former approach (exploitation to death through labor), the
SS the latter (pure destruction). This single-minded pursuit of annihilation,
regardless of, or even against, economic benefits, was not something that
existed in European colonialism.
The rigidity
of racial hierarchy was such that the same Nazi leaders were arguing for forced
labor vs. annihilation for one group, and for the opposite for another group. This
was the case of Hans Frank, the head of the General Government of rump Poland,
who tried to protect Poles from some random killings because he needed them to deliver
grain but was eager to kill as many Jews as possible. (Although even he balked
at thousands of “new” Jews being pushed to his territories as the “death camps”
were already working at capacity.)
It is this macabre
and economically and politically irrational drive toward extermination that might
have differentiated colonialism as applied to Europe from colonialism applied
elsewhere. But establishing racial hierarchy, believing in eugenics, being indifferent
to the death of the “lower races”, creating a system of forced labor, shooting or
maiming people who do not deliver their quotas of produce was not exactly new. Aimė
Cėsaire might have been right.
No comments:
Post a Comment
Note: Only a member of this blog may post a comment.