I am delighted that one of the first published translations
of my book is in Russian. There are, I
believe, two reasons why Russian readers might find the book interesting and
relevant.
First, as the title suggests, the book deals with the changes
in world income distribution during the era of “high globalization” that runs
from the fall of the Berlin Wall to the outbreak of the Global Financial Crisis
in 2008 (and in some instance covers also the period up to 2011). It was an
extremely dynamic and turbulent period. The major parameters of the Europe/US
vs. Asia relationship have changed, not only because of the remarkable rise of
China, that in terms of total GDP calculated at purchasing power, had by now outstripped
the United States as the largest economy in the world, but also because many
other populous Asian countries have followed an equally successful growth trajectory. A couple of numbers suffice to show the scale
of change in relative economic power: between
1988 and 2015, the average per capita income of “non-rich” Asia (that is, Asia
that excludes Japan and South Korea, and oil-producing countries of the Middle
East) has been multiplied by a factor of 4.5, while the Western per capita
income has increased 50%. After the
financial crisis, the change is even
more striking: Western incomes in 2015 are only 2.4% higher than in 2007 while “non-rich”
Asia has gained 58%.
The three- or four-century
old relationship between the level of economic development in the western shores
of the Eurasian landmass (Europe) and the eastern shores of the Eurasian landmass
(China) is thus undergoing a rapid process of change. We are participants and
witnesses to a major economic and
political “rebalancing” between Europe (inclusive of the United States) and Asia.
This rebalancing, if continued for another generation, will bring the relative
income levels of the Western and Eastern shores of Eurasia to the point where
they were prior to the Industrial Revolution, that is approximately equal. Such
a remarkable development is easily observable in individual incomes, captured
by household surveys used in this book to look at the evolution of global
income distribution. While people in the middle of the global income
distribution (who are from the Western point of view still relatively poor) have
experienced more than the doubling or tripling of their real incomes, people in
the rich world’s lower parts of income distributions (the “working classes” of
the West) have seen very little real growth. This is particularly clear for the
three most important Western economies: the United States, Germany and Japan. But
the top income groups (the famous top 1%) in the West have done extremely well.
This has created the cleavage between the fortunes of the top and the fortunes
of their working class or lower middle class compatriots. The fruits of
globalization were clearly not equally shared amongst the citizens of the rich
countries. And this, combined with migration pressures which are also a reflection
of uneven global distribution of income between the countries, have led to the tumultuous political developments
of the last couple of years and the rise of right-wing nationalist and populist
parties.
The second reason why the Russian reader might find the book relevant
is because Russia was directly or indirectly involved in all key developments
discussed here. The end of Communism and the beginning of the “high globalization”
in the late 1980s were clearly related. The rough sketch of the geo-economic changes
that occurred in the past quarter century indirectly highlights the position of Russia that straddles the Europe-Asia divide. It will, if the current
developments continue, find itself geographically
between the two richest and most dynamic parts of the world economy, each at
one end of the Eurasian continent. This creates obviously challenges for the
country and shows a huge importance of fast economic growth, lest the
continental landmass of Eurasia (composed mostly of Russia, Ukraine and Central
Asian countries) remain at much lower level of income than the maritime edges. Finally,
the within-national inequalities that have played such an important role in recent
political developments in the West have not passed by Russia. The enormous economic
inequality that followed the end of Communist regime in Russia has in the past
ten years been to some extent reduced in the income dimension while the
concentration of assets remains so high that it puts Russia among perhaps three
to five countries with the greatest inequality in wealth. It is quite likely
that the wealth concentration in today’s Russia is greater than it was one hundred
years ago, before the beginning of World War I.
The concentration of wealth in Russia is also connected with
rather hesitant formation of the middle class. It is somewhat of a truism that social
stability often depends on having a sizeable middle class. This
is not because one becomes “virtuous” and democratic simply by having a “middling”
or comfortable level of income, but because the middle class tends to favor protection
of property rights against possible expropriation of those who are poorer, and
to favor the rights of political decision-making against those who are richer
and can “buy” their way into political power. I believe that, even if the book
does not directly mentions this with respect to today’s Russia, the reader can
readily see that the two crucial issues are acceleration of economic growth of
the country as a whole and strengthening of the middle class internally. The
reader will recognize that this is an agenda not dissimilar to that of Sergei
Witte some 120 years ago.
These two messages may sound obvious or well-known to the
Russian reader but the important point is to realize that here they are not
derived alone, that is in isolation from the rest of the world, but rather on
the contrary, directly from the empirical study and the analysis of worldwide movements
in income and thus in economic power.
In this way, I dare to believe, the book may make a small
contribution toward better understanding of our world—the understanding which
should hopefully help the next generation live materially richer and more peaceful
lives.
No comments:
Post a Comment
Note: Only a member of this blog may post a comment.