I recently read the translation of “The Legacy
of Genghis Khan” by Nikolay Trubetskoy, famous Russian linguist, who is considered
the founder of Euroasianism, an ideology currently experiencing a revival in some quasi-official circles in Russia. Alexander Dugin, an influential thinker, is a well-known admirer of Trubetskoy.
I will not discuss here the ideology
of Euroasianism which I do not know well, nor the entirety of Trubetskoy small,
interesting, but in my opinion fundamentally misleading “Legacy…” but will focus on a contrast, that I am not aware has been made before,
between Ibn Khaldoun and Trubetskoy. In fact, both Ibn Khaldoun and Trubetskoy
address the relationship between nomadic and sedentary peoples but come to
different conclusions where (to give my opinion away) Trubetskoy’s are vastly
inferior to Ibn Khaldoun’s.
In Ibn Khaldoun’s “Prolegomena…”
(published in 1377), the opposition was between the nomadic population of
the desert, among which those that have so successfully conquered most of the
Middle East and parts of Europe within a couple of centuries of Islam’s rise in
the Arabian peninsula, and the sedentary populations. As is well-known, Ibn Khaldoun’s view was that
nomads, by their very way of life, are unable to create durable nomadic civilizations until they
themselves get reabsorbed and “re-educated” by the sedentary peoples they
have conquered. (Note that even the term “civilization” used in European
languages comes from civitas, city,
which of course is a feature of sedentary populations.) It is only the sedentary populations that are creators of arts,
commerce and stable legal rules. The danger however is that nomadic populations
are often militarily stronger since their way of life predisposes them to be braver
and better warriors. Hence a danger permanently looms over the rather fragile
fruits of human civilization.
Trubetskoy draws on the same contrast in “Legacy…”, there made between Genghis Khan’s Mongols and the sedentary and old
civilizations of Persia, India and China that Genghis conquered before his descendants
got reabsorbed into these culturally superior Asian civilizations. But for the Eurasian
landmass (vaguely, from the center of today’s Ukraine to China), Trubetsoy’s
conclusion is different. There he believes that Pax Mongolica created a superior form of governance, characterized
by two key features. First, reliance on
the warrior class fully obedient to the hierarchical principles and not on the
“inferior” human type of opportunistic and calculating servants. The former
type is, according to Trubetskoy, characteristic of nomadic tribes and the
latter of “civilized” sedentary cultures. Second, religious tolerance or religious
syncretism that in many respects looks like the one practiced by Romans where religion
as such was indispensable but the type of religion practiced was irrelevant.
(In Gibbon’s famous words, different religions “were all considered by the people as equally true; by the philosopher, as
equally false; and by the magistrate, as equally useful")
While Trubetskoy agrees with Ibn
Khaldoun (only implicitly so since not a single author is mentioned in Trubetskoy’s
small volume) that historical Asia was set back by Genghis Khan’s conquest,
namely that “…Asia suffered damage because Mongol conquest, by taking some parts
of Asia from their 'splendid isolation' and by breaking in from the outside
into their historic way of life, arrested for a long time their cultural
development”, he sharply disagrees that it was the case for the Eurasian space.
There, the previous limited conflicts that existed between the sedentary states
(the Kievan Rus, Khazar Kingdom and Khorezm are mentioned by Trubetskoy) and various
nomadic peoples of the steppes were brought to an end with Genghis Khan’s unification
of all these nomadic peoples under one rule and the formation of a huge, yet
mobile, empire of Eurasia.
Genghis Khan is criticized for his
ultimately unsuccessful and unnecessary forays into India and China, but is praised
as the founder of a single political space of Eurasia (“a historical necessity”
as Trubetskoy writes). The Russian state is then seen by Trubetskoy as the
rightful historical heir of that single Eurasian political entity created in the 12th
century. All Russian problems, from Peter the Great to Lenin, are explained
away by Russia’s failure to live up to that mission and wrong-headed desire to
get “Europeanized”.
As I wrote in the beginning I will
leave aside this noxious and rather implausible narrative of Trubetsoy’s (which
is not devoid of some interesting insights) to underline the sheer implausibility
of regarding a nomadic empire as capable of creating sustainable commercial,
artistic and law-abiding state. Trubetskoy agrees with Ibn Khaldoun that such a
role could not be fulfilled by nomads in regards to ancient Asian civilizations,
but then turns around and suggests that it was with regard to Eurasian steppes.
The implausibility of Trubetsoy’s
argument is not shown only by this duality but also by the absence of any discussion of a way in which the Golden Horde was presumably able to
advance progress. We are not given any realistic description of its modus
operandi, nor any clam to its superiority in the matters of governmental, nor
bizarrely, even in the matters of military organization. One gets the
impression that the whole edifice was built on random use of force that
eventually had to peter out since there was neither technological development
nor cultural or ideological superiority to sustain it.
Trubetskoy’s encomium of a nomadic
empire appears empty and the suggestion that Russia should find its world role
as inheritor of such an empire makes sense only in a geographical sense since the
Russia of the past two centuries is contained within the area circumscribed by the
Mongol empire, but is substantively meaningless. Nothing shows better how
meaningless it is than lack of encouragement to economic and political
advancement that, as Ibn Khaldoun pointed out more than seven centuries ago, is
immanent to all nomadic empires.
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