This is a different post from my normal posts. It is a primer
and I must ask indulgence from many readers for whom this is all too well-known
and obvious. Why do I write it then?
Because recently I was several times surprised by the casualness with which
people talk of “labor theory of value” apparently implying thereby that it is
some weird concoction where the price of a good should simply be proportional to
the number of hours one has put in producing it. I have heard it from non-economists
and it has not truly surprised me; but I have heard it from economists too and thought
it was odd. So I decided to write this 1200-word primer.
According to Marx, in a non-capitalist market economy
products are exchanged at the rate that corresponds to the “socially necessary labor”
embodied in them, or differently put, labor necessity for their production.
Start with a simplified situation where there is not capital. Then, if, on average, product A requites 8 hours of labor and product B, 4 hours, the exchange rate will be 2B for 1A.
Note that as products are exchanged at average (“socially necessary”) labor inputs,
an inefficient producer that spends 10 hours of work to produce A will not be
paid for 10 hours, but for 8. The reverse holds for a very efficient producer. So,
producers are not just paid for their labor input regardless of how efficiently
they work or organize production.
The introduction of capital, owned by the producers, brings
us to Marx’s “petty commodity production”. Its key characteristic is that independent
producers compete with each other but that each uses only his own labor (that
is, there is no hired labor) and owns the means of production. It is very
similar to the early American colonists. Capital, according to Marx (and also
to Quesnay, Smith and Ricardo) simply contributes to the value through its depreciation,
while only labor creates new value added. The equilibrium price is equal to w+d+s where w=wage, d=depreciation, and
s=surplus value or profit. This is
where labor theory of value and neoclassical theory of value part ways since according
to the latter s is the marginal product
of capital while for Marx it is simply part of labor contribution that is in excess
of wage. It is the famous “surplus value” produced by labor. It arises, Marx argued,
from the unique feature possessed by labor, namely that its contribution to value
is greater than the value embodied in goods that are necessary to compensate laborers
fully for the expense of energy used in production of the goods. (Put very simply:
you work 10 hours to produce goods worth $10, but you need bread, wine, meat
and olive oil worth only $5 to be brought back to the same state of satisfaction
that you were in before you started to work.) Of course, here in petty
commodity production, where each producer owns his means of production, the
distinction is immaterial because s belongs
to him anyway. There is thus no exploitation which will appear only when hired
labor is used, is paid w, and s remains in the hands of the capitalists.
Which indeed brings us to capitalism. Marx has noticed that the
price structure of “petty commodity production” cannot be maintained in capitalism
since different branches of production would earn different rates of return on
their capital, and the feature of capitalism (as every neoclassical economist
knows) is a tendency for profit rates to converge across lines of production so
that the production of every type of good is, in equilibrium, equally
profitable (obviously adjusted for risk). However, with the pricing structure given in
the previous paragraph, labor-intensive branches would produce lots of surplus
value (since there are lots of people working there) and as the surplus value
becomes capitalists’ profit, the ratio between s and total capital will be high. The opposite will hold in
capital-intensive branches of production.
So, the equilibrium prices in capitalism must be different. These
are, according to Marx, the “prices of production” that have the following
structure: w+d+rK where r=economy-wide average rate of profit. Thus
in equilibrium every branch of production earns the same rate of return on
capital (K) employed there and of course each unit of labor is paid the same. Prices
of production are exactly the same as the long-run Marshallian or Walrasian
equilibrium price.
The conversion from the value-based prices under “petty
commodity production” to the prices of production under capitalism has led to
the famous “transformation problem” that has kept generations of Marxist economists
busy. This was the problem quickly noted by Marx’s critics at the publication
of the third volume of “Das Kapital”, starting with Achille Loria (whom few would
have remembered today had he not been given the pride of place and opprobrium by
Engels in his Introduction to the Third
volume) to Bohm Bawerk. Marx was criticized for inconsistency and for inability
to show that prices are determined by value (=labor) under capitalism. The literature
on the transformation problem is immense, but interested reader may consult the
definition of the original problem by Bortkiewicz, and then classical solutions
by Sraffa, Morishima etc.
Now, if Marx, Walras and Marshall agree on the equilibrium
price in capitalism, where is the labor theory of value? For Marx, it emerges only
at the aggregate level where Marx posits that the sum of values will be equal
to the sum of production prices. The former is an unobservable quantity so
Marx’s contention is not falsifiable. It is therefore an extra-scientific statement
that we have to take on faith.
But there are, I think, three important points to take away from this brief review
of Marxian labor theory of value.
First, that Marx’s capitalist equilibrium prices are the same
as Walrasian or Marshall’s long-run prices.
Second, that we are clearly very, very far from derisive statements
that labor theory of value means that people are just paid for their labor
input regardless of what is the “socially necessary labor” required to produce
a good.
Third, and in my opinion the true contribution of Marx in
this area, is to have insisted that the equilibrium price cannot be independent
of the relations of production, that is, of who owns capital and in some cases
(slavery) labor too. Two identical economies, but one composed of small-scale producers
who own the means of production, and another capitalist, will have different relative
prices. This, I think, is an important point for our understanding of
pre-modern societies.
It is also important when we study the interaction of capitalist
and pre-capitalist modes of production (as for example, during colonization) because
the difference in equilibrium prices under different ownership structures means
that even if the endowments of two societies (capitalist and pre-capitalist)
are the same, relative prices will be different. Thus when India and England
begin to trade (even had their endowments been the same), some Indian goods
would have been cheaper, and others more expensive, than English. This, in turn,
means that when we deal with societies whose ownership structures are
different, opportunities for trade do not depend solely on the differences in
endowments but also on the differences in the mode of production. This last point
is nowadays often forgotten.
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