There was a couple of months ago a lively
discussion on the measurement of wealth. It started with two results. First, Ed Wolff’s
long-standing (but not widely publicized) results that the Gini for wealth inequality
in the United States has reached an unprecedented high value of 87, and that
some 30% of the population have zero net assets. Second, by a comparison made
by Oxfam between the wealth of the top 1% vs. the wealth of the rest. Oxfam
argued, using the Credit Suisse report on global wealth, that the top 1% in
the world own almost one-half of global wealth. Some of those wealth-poor are people from rich countries who have no assets even if their income is
obviously not zero, nor can they be considered globally or otherwise poor. Actually,
many of them might lead relatively comfortable lives, even if they are running
credit-card debts and living in homes that are almost 100% owned by the banks.
So, those who did not like either Ed
Wolff’s results nor Oxfam’s comparisons went
ballistic on what they termed “Oxfam misleading statistics”: “Look, these
guys might have zero net assets, but they are not poor”, the critics argued. The argument was factually correct, but substantively wrong
simply because there is a difference between income, consumption and wealth. You
may be wealth-poor even if you live okay; these are two different things. I
wrote about that on my blog.
But there was also another strand of
attacks on these numbers that wanted to show them incomplete because the wealth
definition used in standard wealth studies like the ones quoted here is the sum total of all marketable assets, that is consumer durables, housing, shares, bonds, checking and savings deposits, patent
right etc. that you can sell right
now. It does not include future, more or less secure claims on (say) Social security benefits,
occupational pensions, medical help and the like. (Although Ed Wolff does include the cash surrender value of
pension plans.) Now, people who wanted these benefits to be added (in the
amount of their capitalized values) did
so in order to argue that the top 1% are not as rich in relative terms as Oxfam and Credit Suisse
claimed, and that it is not true that 30% of Americans have zero net assets.
Indeed, if you include Medicaid, Social Security and welfare practically nobody
in the US will come out as having zero net assets. It is also true that, if you
do an international comparison of the US
with other wealthy countries, the inclusion of such future claims will make US
wealth levels and distribution look even worse (because other rich countries generally
have more developed social welfare systems), but those who argued for the change
in the way wealth is defined, did not, at that point, think much about international
comparisons.
However, you cannot do things in
isolation, and ignore both the general rules about how private wealth is defined and
how the definitions can be applied across various societies. Let me illustrate
this. In a conversation over lunch, Ed Wolff and I concluded that private marketable
wealth in Communist countries was, for most of the population, zero. How come?
First, housing was mostly state- or enterprise-owned (in urban areas), and people
who lived in these apartments paid low rent, but did not own them nor could they sell them. Second,
there were no financial instruments of any kind: there was no stock market and no
shares. There were, in some countries state bonds but they were less of an investment
and rather a compulsory borrowing by the state. But the state bonds were
minimal in any case. Third, the only asset that existed was savings in domestic
or (even if it was illegal in many countries) foreign currencies. That was in
reality the only financial asset. (And this is incidentally why people in the
West did not sufficiently appreciate the pillage which the Yeltsin’s regime
engaged in when it destroyed overnight the years of ruble savings by millions
of households.)
Most of the private marketable wealth
that existed was in the countryside. In countries like Poland and Yugoslavia, land
was mostly private. In addition, urban residents owned their own weekend houses
(the famous Russian dachas) and they
were indeed privately-owned and marketable. In addition there were owners of small-scale
restaurants, bars, repair shops etc. Thus Ed Wolff and I agreed that if you applied
the usual marketable wealth approach to Communist countries you would find that
perhaps 80% of the population, or even 90% in the Soviet republics, had zero or wholly negligible net wealth, and 20%
(or 10%) had some rather minimal wealth, and these 10-20% were not exactly the people you would
associate with high incomes and certainly not with political power under
socialism. Obviously, this did not mean that 80-90% of people lived on the edge of
subsistence: actually most of them had “normal” middle-class urban lives. It is
just that they had no private wealth.
But then I thought a bit more on this
issue as I read the critics who wanted to include capitalized value of social security
among private wealth. So, I said, let me see what their approach would give you
for socialist countries. There first, you had guaranteed pensions for all. So,
let’s capitalize that. Then, you had guaranteed jobs for almost all. Let’s
capitalized that income too. You had guaranteed other social transfers like
child benefits, invalidity pensions and of course free medical care. And although
pensions and wages were small in dollar amounts, their capitalization produces
a rather big total. Let me take the example of Yugoslavia that I know well. In
the early 1980s, the average salary was about 250 dollars per month (post-tax).
The average pension was about $200 per month (also post tax). That gives you about
$3,000 annually for wages and $2,400 for pensions. In today’s dollars, it works
out as $9,000 and $7,200 per year. Suppose then, very roughly, that wages are
guaranteed for 30 years and pensions for 20 years. When you apply to the wages
and pensions a low discount rate of say, 2% you get that total wealth of almost
everybody was $300,000 dollars. Throw in additional medical costs that were
also borne by the state and guaranteed to more or less all, and you may get to
$400,000 or even to half-a-million US dollars.
So, would then those who argue that US
wealth data should include capitalized value of not-marketable, but guaranteed,
future incomes streams agree that everybody in socialism was a dollar (half-a-)millionaire
and that perhaps two-thirds of the population in Yugoslavia, Hungary or Poland had
greater private net assets than the corresponding people in the United States?
Does this make sense? If it does not, then you are back to the “usual” calculations
where only marketable wealth counts and where 30% of US population have zero
wealth. So, you can choose:
- Either everybody in socialism was a quasi-millionaire, or
- 30% of Americans have zero net wealth today.
Your call.
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