Tito and Franco could not be, in many
ways, more different: they were the antipodes. One fought with the Nazis;
another against them; one was a strict reactionary favoring religion; another
an atheist Communist; one was excluded from the post-World War II global governance
structures, almost a pariah; another fully integrated in them; one leading a colonial war, another being lionized
by anti-colonial leaders; one protecting private property, another abolishing
it. I could probably go on.
Like with all antipodes, there are
similarities too. Both were born the same year (1892), and died within less
than five years of each other; each ruled for more than three decades, unchallenged;
both acquired or gave themselves military titles: one was a Generalissimo, another
Marshall; both named streets and squares after them (Tito even cities); both came
to power through bloody civil wars; both proceeded to mass executions of their
opponents (although the degree of guilt and involvement in atrocities and genocide
among Tito’s opponents was of an entirely different order of magnitude than among
Franco’s); both started economic reforms in the 1960s; both were born Catholic;
and both were buried in memorial complexes (although Franco’s is much more
grandiose).
What they have in common too is that very
little of what they did or built remains standing. And it is precisely what I would
like to highlight. How little has remained of what the European strongmen of
the first half of the 20th century tried to create. History has not been
kind to them (as they were not kind to their contemporaries). Lenin and Stalin’s
edifice is all gone: the social system has returned to capitalism, and the
country has crumbled and been divvied up. The same is true for Tito. Kemal
Ataturk’s foundations are on a daily basis dismantled by Erdogan. Of Mussolini’s
Italy there remain only imperial-looking buildings and bridges: no corporatism,
no imperial glory, no monarchy. And obviously, Hitler’s Germany ended up in
ruins, both literally and figuratively. The Federal Republic (as well as the
GDR) were built on the direct contradiction of all that the Nazi stood for. We
should be glad that history has been so unkind to the 20th century's European dictators.
But looking at Tito and Franco I was also
keen to look at what still remains of the two’s “work”. And it seems to me that
the verdict there is in Franco’s favor (though I will explain later why it
might be so). Reading on the one hand Spanish newspapers and on the other hand,
Serbian (and less frequently Croatian), I notice a much greater frequency with
which Franco, compared to Tito, is mentioned. And this is not only because of
the current moves to exhumate, and bury elsewhere, his remains. He is mentioned
by those who criticize the post-Francoist constitution, and by those who notice
that the current monarchy was “blessed” or installed by him.
For Tito the situation is different.
Not only has the edifice he created disappeared and been broken into pieces (although along the borders he designed or at least approved),
and the political and economic system he favored disbanded, but there is no one
in the successor states of Yugoslavia that can be considered to be his “heir” or to have been put in a position
of power by him, even indirectly so.
While the political heritage of Franco
is more apparent, this may not be so on the level of popular memories or perceptions.
Francoist “logistics”, names of streets etc. are, I think, completely expunged in
Spain, but Tito’s remain in parts of Yugoslavia (in a few places in Slovenia, Croatia,
and Macedonia; only in Serbia is he completely “erased” from history although
his tomb is there). In people’s memories however Tito’s period, for most of
those who lived then, or who learned about it from their parents, remains
linked with economic prosperity, ethnic peace and conviviality, and an important
international role. While the economic prosperity is significantly greater in
some former republics now, it is not so in others; ethnic peace has been
replaced with either permanent conflicts or at least tensions—almost no single
border of the former republics is free of dispute; and a significant international
role has been replaced by its very opposite: insignificance. But this is not
the case with Franco because today’s Spain is much richer, freer, and internationally
influential than the Spain he left.
So, while the “people’s memory” may
be kinder to Tito than to Franco, the fact that politically everything
that was associated with Tito has disappeared means that if we measure how much,
politically, remains of the two, the balance is in Franco’s favor. But that does
not mean necessarily that Franco was a better statesman. I think the main difference
comes from the “material” with which they built their states. Franco built on
the foundation of a nation, that although regionally and ethnically diverse, existed
within more or less the same borders, for some seven centuries before he came
to power. Moreover, a nation that was a major world power. Tito’s “material”
were peoples who, for most of the previous five or so, centuries were under foreign
rule or tutelage. The foundation on which Tito built existed but for a couple of
decades before he came to power—and moreover exploded to pieces and genocidal killing
in the World War II. So one built with stones, another with sand.
Tito’s task, as well as the task of
every Eastern or Central European leader who tried to rule a multi-ethnic
country, was to build a state edifice using a crumbling “material”—or to paraphrase
Bolivar, to try to harvest the sea. (“J’ai labouré la mer”). This is why politically or
socially nothing remains of Tito’s times. And why such a state of affairs will
never return.
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