Several years ago, a friend presented me with a small volume entitled
“Quinze jours dans le désert” written by Alexis de Tocqueville in 1831 when he
visited (the only time ever) the young United States. This is a short book of
some 100 pages, on his travel to the then extreme confines of “civilization”,
Flint (the city which in the 1989 was the subject of Michael Moore’s famous documentary
“Roger and me”) and Saginaw, both of them situated on the eponymous rivers.
The book is written in the recognizable limpid prose that we associate
with Tocqueville and although it has no depth or pretension of his “Democracy
in America” it is interesting and worth reading—for the reasons which I hope to
explain.
“The desert” in the title does not refer to the physical
“desert” but to the civilizational desert. The level of development (if that
term has some meaning in the context of these areas in 1831) is so low, the
amount of physical difficulties that beset the traveler on all sides is so
huge, the forests almost impenetrable, the
mosquitoes omnipresent, the log cabins so few and so uncomfortable, the people
barely existent, that the story reads like the adventure of explorers penetrating
the deep Amazon. Indeed, the landscape offers, at the rare times when the traveler
can relax, some astonishing sights of beauty (“la beauté sauvage” as
Tocqueville terms it, the word “sauvage”
occurring probably 100 times on 100 pages of the book) felt in presence of intact
nature. As Tocqueville mentions, there was absolutely nothing similar in Europe
and the Mediterranean at the time. Perhaps only Siberia, parts of Africa or
Brazil’s Northwest come close to such a complete dominion of nature over civilization
and absence of practically any trace of human activity that Tocqueville and his
companion (Beaumont) witnessed in the 1831 Michigan.
This naturally leads economists to think that perhaps no part
of the world had seen such a dramatic transformation from where it was in
1830-1850 and today like the American Midwest and the West. It would be hard to
put a number such as modern GDP per capita on what the level of income was in
the Midwest then. While the production of anything was very low, so was the population,
and while Indians clearly lived at the level of subsistence, European settlers
were better-off perhaps by a factor of 2 to 3. The scale of relative incomes was clearly established
with “colonists” of English and French extraction at the top, the Indian-European
mestizos in the middle, and the Indians
on the bottom. However, if we (tentatively) put GDP per capita at the frontier
at $500 in PPP terms (note that the Maddison project update gives GDP per
capita for the eastern board of United States in 1830 at $1600), income per
person has then increased in Michigan by almost one hundred times in less than
two centuries. This gives an astonishing average rate of growth of 2.5%
annually which I doubt to have been “bested” anywhere in the world.
Tocqueville is interested in Indians as a prototype of people
who had not developed much of what is (was) considered “civilization”. He is to
some extent testing the hypothesis of the “noble savage” and gives what seems
to me a realistic portrait of the situation of Indians at that time. When he
meets Indians the first time, in Buffalo, as they queue to receive US
government money for the land they had sold, he is disappointed by their physique
and general looks that bear little resemblance to the idealized free warrior living
in the state of natural freedom. They looked, Tocqueville writes, “like the
lowest layer of population in our great European cities” (p. 10).
But that perception changes later when Tocqueville and his companion
are led by two Indians through the wilderness of forests between Flint and
Saginaw. He appreciates their incredible stamina (the two Indian guides lead the
two Frenchmen, riding on horses, by running ahead of them), knowledge of
nature, resourcefulness and honesty. Indian honesty (and what to a European
seems like a naiveté) is several times contrasted with European cupidity. When
the two Indians are introduced by a European settler to Tocqueville and Beaumont
as reliable guides, Tocqueville asks how much they should be paid for their
work (one day of guiding the two through quasi impenetrable forests). The
settler says that two dollars would be enough but that since Indians do not know
what to do with money, he (the settler) would give them instead goods worth two
dollars. Tocqueville notices that what the Indians did get could not have
amounted to even one dollar worth, the settler clearly taking 50% as his “fee”.
Here is how Tocqueville describes the settlers he met: “It is
not only Indians whom the American pioneers take for fools. We were ourselves
every day victims of their extreme avidity for profit. It is true that they
never steal. They have too much of intelligence to do such an impudent thing.
Yet I have never seen the owner of a hotel
of a big city [in Europe] overcharge with such shamelessness as these inhabitants
of the desert in whom I expected to find primitive honesty and patriarchal simplicity
of manners” (p. 57).
The contrast between the external polish of civilization and
indifference to the lives of “others” is brilliantly drawn: “In the midst of
this [American urban] society, so well organized, so prude and full of morality
and virtue, one meets complete insensitivity, a sort of cold and implacable
egotism whenever indigenous population is concerned. The inhabitants of the
United States do not chase these Indians freely as the Spaniards did in Mexico.
But it is the same pitiless sentiment that moves the Europeans here as it does
elsewhere.” (p. 13) We are indeed far from “Democracy in America”.
Later in Saginaw Tocqueville also notes that Indians are “swindled”
by being overcharged, although to an economist the charge of trumpery is not
easily defended since Indians (one would expect) paid for the moccasins, clothes
etc. what they believed was an acceptable price in the goods they produced. The
issue is rather, I think, that Tocqueville uses the European prices: at these prices,
the trinkets European sold were evidently much less valuable than the goods
they received in exchange from the Indians. But at Indian prices, the trade might
have been equally advantageous to them. So, Tocqueville’s example may rather convince
an economist of the value of trade then of European duplicity.
Indians seem indifferent to comfort and to many of the
commodities of “civilization”. The only thing that attracts them are European
rifles. Interestingly, alcohol, often used in the stories of American Indian
decadence and fall in the encounter with the Europeans, is never mentioned in
the book.
This small book comes to us like a piece, a remnant of a
great monument. In it are recognizable many of the traits that have made
Tocqueville famous, precursor in a number of social sciences. The great themes
of civilization, colonization, imperialism, and development are opened—the
themes that will become so pervasive in the next one hundred years with European
expansion to the four corners of the globe.
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