Last night I was quite intrigued by Brad
DeLong post about how some several thousand years in the future, professors
(if they still exist) may teach (if teaching still exists) about the 20th
century. I always thought that doing things like that is a fun intellectual
exercise not because we can really tell what will happen but because it makes
us think a bit more about what we do now, and possibly face the futility and longer-term
irrelevance of things we hold as immensely important today. Just think about an
incredible expense of intellectual energy over perhaps one thousand years that
happened in Byzantium where people who were direct linguistic, ethnic and ideological
heirs to Plato and Cicero, spent days, months, years, centuries debating what to us are the
most obscure and irrelevant points of Christian doctrine—about which not even theologians
in the Vatican (I would surmise) care much today.
So, when you are all excited about that latest cool model of endogenous
determination of X that you have just developed and tested over the sample of
15 people give a thought to the future generations: imagine what they would say
(on the assumption they even deign to notice your cool model).
And I totally agree with Brad that all the way to approximately
1750 (1776/1789), the history of the world has to be written in non-economic
terms: conquests, rise and fall of the empires. Economics plays a bit of a role
but it is very much a cameo. Then with the Industrial Revolution, things
change: some people become much richer, then the others get richer too, technological
change becomes visible, people start paying attention to economics, the homo economics
(a human calculating machine of pain and pleasure) is born.
Brad’s division of this economics-driven era into a long 20th
century from 1870 to 2010 then attracted my attention. (Brad
wrote more about it today.) Especially, when I contrasted it with Hobsbawm’s
short 20th century, 1914-1989. Brad defines the epochs essentially in
economic terms, Hobsbawm in political. Now, it would seem that since the modern era
is the era of economics, using economics
as markers would make more sense. But I do not think so.
Before I explain why I prefer Hobsbawm’s lines of
demarcation, let me say that I understand this is an exercise that only reasonably
idle people can engage in: for many people it suffices to know that the 20th
century lasted from 1900 to 1999.
What is the meaning behind Hobsbawm’s periodization? First,
that the 19th century was long, in the sense that it did not end
around the turn of the 20th century, but extended all the way to the
outbreak of World War I. That seems to be a very reasonable point: I think that
Hobsbawm was not the first to use the term “long 19th century”. The
world as it existed between the Congress of Vienna and the Sarajevo attentat was basically the same world.
After 1914, it was a different world, for the reasons that we
all know too well. But why did that new world end in 1989, with the collapse in
communism? Because worldwide competition between two social systems was the
dominant feature of this entire period up to then. Communism provided an
appealing and remarkably different way to organize societies and drew adherents
from four corners of the world. Its fortunes tended to ebb and flow, probably reaching
the peaks in the early 1920s (when the expected revolution in Germany failed to
happen) and around 1948 (when Belgium, Italy and France narrowly failed to
become communist while China moved one-fourth of the mankind in the communist
camp). But gradually it became less successful and less attractive and in 1989 ended
de jure in the Euro-Asian space, while around the same time China became a de facto
capitalist country.
So that date marks the end of a system that challenged capitalism.
Nothing in its stead exists today. Capitalism is, after 1989, alone: a single
type of economic organization (private ownership of the means of production,
wage labor, decentralized coordination) has covered the entire world. So long
as nothing else appears—and nothing is in the sight—we shall live in the
post-1989 world.
In some ways, our world today is similar to the pre-1914 world. The
greatest resemblances are fast technological progress, globalization,
dislocation of large numbers of people, or to put it in two words: prosperity
with uncertainly. But there are also big differences. The ante bellum world was
globalized and capitalist only in its most developed parts; the rest was in a state
of feudalism, slavery or worse. It was still a Malthusian world in China and India.
That has completely changed: China,
India, most of Africa today are about as globalized and capitalist as Europe
and the United States. This makes our current era unique in the history of the world: we all
believe, in economics and societal organization, basically the same thing. And those who do not, either hold a mix of contradictory
beliefs (which makes them difficult to implement, precisely because they are contradictory),
or they do not have political power. When some of them come to power and begin
to alter people’s beliefs, we shall know that we have entered another era. But until
then, we are, I believe, living in an open-ended (very long?) 21st
century that follows a short 20th century.
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